Senate Republicans allied with former President Trump are stepping up calls for the rest of the GOP to rally around him as the party’s inevitable nominee for president and warn that fellow Republicans who hold back are giving aid and comfort to Joe Biden.  

Trump’s commanding lead in the polls has strengthened his influence with Republicans in Congress, tilting political momentum on Capitol Hill in favor of demands for major border security reforms and away from funding the war in Ukraine. 

GOP senators have softened their public skepticism about the push in the House to impeach Biden — which Trump has encouraged House lawmakers to pursue — and have largely stopped entertaining the hope that someone other than Trump may emerge as the victor in next year’s primary.

The failure of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) or former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley (R) to break through as the viable alternative to Trump in any of the four Republican presidential debates is prompting Trump’s Senate allies to now call for an early end to the race.  

“I think it’s time. There are four other people still in the race, none of them are above 10 percent. Trump’s numbers are steady. Look, you either love Donald Trump or you hate him; you’re not going to change anyone’s minds now,” Sen. Roger Marshall (R-Kan.) said of DeSantis, Haley, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie (R) and entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy.  

“They’re all competing for second place, looks like to me, and really hurting each other, hurting their own reputation and hurting the party,” Marshall said after the fourth debate.  

“At this point, they all had their opportunity. All they’re doing is hurting the Republican Party and paving the way for Joe Biden to get reelected,” he said.  

Marshall became the 13th Senate Republican to endorse Trump last month. 

Sen. Mike Braun (R-Ind.), who endorsed Trump in September, said “I don’t see a pathway for anybody else.”

“If you’re not rallying around him, you’re giving tacit support to Biden,” he said. 

The growing conviction on Capitol Hill that Trump will be the GOP nominee for president comes as conservative populists are gaining influence over legislative decisions. 

The balance of power in the congressional leadership appears to have shifted toward Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.), who endorsed Trump before Thanksgiving.  

Johnson has led the party in insisting that Ukraine funding be matched with major border security reform, an entanglement of issues that threatens the passage of any kind of foreign aid package with Ukraine money before Christmas. 

Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (Ky.) has come under strong pressure from Senate conservatives to fully back Johnson’s demands, which he’s done.  

As a result, the bipartisan effort to fund the war in Ukraine has stalled, and border security, a signature Trump issue, is dominating the congressional debate.

“The focus in Congress going more toward border security and away from very large un-offset funding measures for Ukraine. Donald Trump’s played a large role in that,” said Brian Darling, a Republican strategist and former Senate aide. 

“Donald Trump is reflecting the will of the American people. If you look at polling data, polling data indicates the American people are less interested in sending tax dollars overseas and for international engagements,” he added. “They want it for border security and other things.” 

Trump picked up new Senate endorsements last week from Sens. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.) and John Hoeven (R-N.D.) after North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum (R) dropped out of the race.  

Cramer called on fellow Republicans to “consolidate” behind Trump as “the leader of our GOP and ensure a Republican victory in 2024.”  

Sen. Katie Britt (R-Ala.), a member of McConnell’s leadership team, endorsed Trump right before Wednesday’s debate.  

She argued that Trump’s record as president from 2017-21 is why he’s “dominating in the polls and why his insurmountable lead only continues to grow as the primary dates draw closer.”

“Now, let’s come together and move forward towards November 2024,” she urged other Republicans in an op-ed for Yellowhammer News, a conservative media outlet.  

Even senators who have criticized Trump in the past or voiced strong skepticism about his viability as a candidate in a general election acknowledge he’s going to be the nominee, barring a miracle.  

Asked about the chances of another candidate beating Trump for the nomination, Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) said: “I think it’s a long shot at this point.”  

Cornyn was one of two GOP senators, along with Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), who stopped by welcome-to-Washington event for DeSantis in April and in May said “President Trump’s time has passed him by,” warning “electability is key.” 

Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah), who has repeatedly urged his party to find another standard-bearer in 2024, also acknowledges that beating Trump in the primary is a “long shot.” 

He said Haley has “a shot” of winning the nomination but admitted “it’s a very long shot.”  

“Donald Trump is going to be the nominee, almost certainly,” he said.  

But he pushed back on Senate colleagues allied with Trump who want to push candidates out of the race before the first votes are even cast in Iowa and New Hampshire.  

“Oh, I don’t think primaries hurt us. I think primaries make us stronger, sharpen the tools to actually succeed. I don’t think Donald Trump has been hurt by the primary contests at all. His polls show that the more debates, the more the primary competitors, the better he does,” Romney said.  

“I hope that Nikki Haley can somehow throw a Hail Mary,” he added, suggesting the analogy of a quarterback heaving the ball 50 yards downfield in the final seconds of a game. 

Haley has defined her campaign by arguing that the war in Ukraine is a vital U.S. national security interest, even though that’s not a popular stance with many GOP voters. 

Meanwhile, Trump’s march to the GOP nomination has coincided with rising Republican skepticism about U.S. support for Ukraine. 

Sixty-two percent of Republicans now say the United States is doing too much to help Ukraine, according to Gallup.

By contrast, when Trump appeared much weaker politically in August 2022, only 42 percent of Republicans said they thought less should be done to help Ukraine.

Updated at 7:18 a.m. ET